mon regard sur notre monde / pour des éléments d'exploration, d'information et de réflexion

torture

Syrie | des soldats mutins torturés et assassinés

AVERTISSEMENT: VIOLENCE EXPLICITE
WARNING: VERY GRAPHIC VIDEO


source: YouTube

Les six corps que l’on voit sur cette vidéo sont ceux de soldats Syriens qui ont déserté l’armée de Bachar el-Assad, président de la République arabe syrienne. Réfugiés dans une famille, ils ont été retrouvés pour être torturés et assassinés. Leurs corps ont été découverts dans les congélateurs de l’Hôpital Militaire.

La vidéo est datée du 10 janvier 2012.


Bloguer au Mexique et mourir


source: mundonarco.com


source: mundonarco.com


source: mundonarco.com

Le 13 septembre 2011, un homme de 25 ans et une femme de 28 ans ont été retrouvés morts, accrochés à un pont pédestre dans la ville mexicaine de Nuevo Laredo.

Sur des affiches laissées sur le pont et sur l’homme, il était dit que les deux personnes avaient été tuées pour avoir dénoncé sur des sites Internet (Al Rojo Vivo et Blog del Narco) les activités des cartels de la drogue au Mexique. Le message laissé sur l’homme disait: “Ce qui arrive quand on se défend par la dénonciation (Al rojo vivo) (Internet)” (traduction libre). Le message laissé sur le pont disait: “Ce qui va se passer à vous défendre sur Internet (Al rojo vivo, blog del narco ou un citoyen qui dénonce. Vous devriez faire attention, je vais vous avoir. Z.” (traduction libre)

L’état des deux corps indique que les jeunes gens ont été torturés avant d’être tués. La jeune femme a été éventrée.


Torture et torture


caricature: André-Philippe Côté


Libération du camp de Buchenwald


source: YouTube

Le 13 avril 1945, les soldats américains de la 80ème Division arrivent au camp de concentration de Buchenwald (Allemagne) afin de libérer les prisonniers juifs qui y sont détenus. Les soldats obligeront les habitants de la région à visiter le camp pour qu’ils voient les horreurs qui y avaient été commises.


photo: (inconnu)

Le sénateur Alben William Barkley, du Kentuky (États-Unis), membre de la commission d’enquête parlementaire sur les atrocités nazies, vient en personne voir les preuves dans le camp de concentration de Buchenwald, le 24 avril 1945.


photo: (inconnu)


photo: H. Miller

Prisonniers juifs réduits à l’esclavage, du camp de concentration de Buchenwald, près de Iéna (Allemagne), photographiés au moment de la libération de ce camp par les troupes américaines de la 80ème division. Les prisonniers vivaient à trois par case. Le septième homme au second rang est Elie Wiesel, qui a consacré le reste de sa vie à l’étude de la Shoah.


photo: Jules Rouard

Une évasion ratée. Les Nazis l’ont laissé aux barbelés et l’ont laissé y mourir. Photo prise à la libération du camp.

article sur Buchenwald dans Wikipédia (en français) ici
article sur Buchenwald dans Wikipedia (en anglais) ici
article sur Elie Wiesel dans Wikipédia (en français) ici
article sur Elie Wiesel dans Wikipedia (en anglais) ici


”Torture made in USA”

xhk0dp7f
source: Galaxie Presse

torture31241222005
photo: (inconnu)

torture-detainee
photo: (inconnu)

torture2
photo: (inconnu)

A Guantanamo comme en Irak ou en Afghanistan, l’administration Bush a institutionnalisé la torture. Ses juristes ont tout fait pour s’exonérer des conventions de Genève et du droit de la guerre. Du 19 octobre au 19 décembre, Mediapart diffuse, en partenariat avec ACAT-France, Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch, l’enquête exclusive de la journaliste Marie-Monique Robin. Un documentaire de 85 minutes que vous n’avez pas pu voir à la télévision.

Voici l’hyperlien de Mediapart pour visualiser ce documentaire:

”Torture made in USA”

————————————————————–

marie-monique-robin1
Marie-Monique Robin

photo: (inconnu)

”Torture made in USA” (diffusé sur Mediapart)
par Marie-Monique Robin
tiré de son blog sur Le monde selon Monsanto

Après plusieurs semaines de silence, je reviens sur mon Blog!

J’avais décidé de “lever le pied”, pour pouvoir me concentrer sur la préparation de mon tournage pour mon prochain film et livre, qui seront diffusés en septembre 2010 (ARTE/ La Découverte).

Ma nouvelle enquête explore l’univers des produits chimiques, qui contaminent la chaîne alimentaire (pesticides, additifs et plastiques alimentaires), la façon dont ils sont évalués et réglementés, et leur lien éventuel avec l’épidémie de cancers, maladies neurodégénératives (Parkinson, Altzheimer) ou dysfonctionnements de la reproduction que l’on observe un peu partout dans le monde.

La deuxième raison de ce silence c’est que je voulais garder un peu d’énergie pour accompagner le lancement de mon film “Torture made in USA“. Comme je l’ai écrit sur ce Blog, ce documentaire dormait dans un tiroir depuis février dernier.

Cet incroyable ratage était dû à l’incapacité de mon producteur – Bernard Vaillot de Galaxie– de payer les archives que j’ai utilisées – avec son accord- pour le montage de mon film.

robin432
Marie-Monique Robin

photo: (inconnu)

La facture est certes élevée – quelque 130 000 Euros pour les droits monde tout support -, mais ce n’est pas la première fois que je réalise des documentaires aves des budgets archives très élevés: ce fut le cas notamment pour “Cuba: Histoire d’un mythe” – un million de Francs en 1993 -, ou “Les 1OO photos du siècle“, ou encore “Mon père, le Che“. A chaque fois, le producteur – en l’occurrence CAPA- avait anticipé en prévendant le film à une kyrielle de chaînes internationales, avant même que j’ai commencé à tourner, ce que n’a pas su faire Galaxie

Devant cette impasse, jamais vue en vingt-cinq ans de carrière, j’ai donc décidé de contacter Mediapart, le journal en ligne créé notamment par Edwy Plenel, l’ancien directeur de la rédaction du journal Le Monde, dont j’apprécie l’engagement pour une presse indépendante et de qualité. Mediapart a accepté de diffuser le film en accès libre pendant deux mois sur son site.

Avec Mediapart, mais aussi le CFRT, coproducteur du film, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch et l’Association des Chrétiens pour l’Abolition de la Torture (ACAT), nous avons donc monté une opération inédite dans l’histoire du journaliste télévisuel: lancer un film en exclusivité, dont la pertinence éditoriale est évidente, sur la toile.

Voici ce qu’en dit RFI:

http://www.rfi.fr/actufr/articles/118/article_85806.asp“>

Nous espérons tous que cette opération inédite montrera que le Web est un média à part entière , et que le film connaîtra une seconde vie sur les chaînes, au cinéma ou en DVD.

C’est vous les internautes qui en déciderez!

Rendez-vous donc sur Mediapart!

www.mediapart.fr

—————————–

Oeuvres majeures de Marie-Monique Robin

Robin_SL500_AA240_

Robin33

Robin escadrons_mort

Robin sixiemesens

Robin BIOPIRATES

Robin couvlivreat8


Coup d’oeil sur Guantanamo Bay – 1

973CubaE-UGuantanamoBaie
source: courrierinternational.com

r133894_449377
photo: (inconnu)

Mandel Ngan_GuantanamoCamp4_452
photo: Mandel Ngan

Sipa Press973_guantanamo
source: SIPA

Todd Heisler guantanamo.600
photo: Todd Heisler

news-graphics-2006-_632588a
photo: (inconnu)

guantanamo2007
photo: (inconnu)

guantanamo-Brennan Linsley
photo: Brennan Linsley


Shame on you, Mr. Obama, for not sueing

bush-obama

huffingtonpost-logo221

Expedience and the Torture Amnesty

David Bromwich

David Bromwich

Posted April 17, 2009 | 04:10 PM (EST)

President Obama’s statement on releasing the Bush-era torture memos is a curious and depressing document, but it bears the marks of having been revised with care by the president himself. He takes the occasion to assure the country that a dark age has passed. At the same time he assures the agents of that darkness that they will be exempt from prosecution. The statement betrays an odd mixture of frankness and caution; the appearance of resolution, with a good deal of actual equivocation; a wish to channel the conspicuous truth to one’s own cause without revealing a disadvantageous quantity of truth.

The best way to trace the path of the president’s thinking is to examine in detail its three central paragraphs; the text, accordingly, is printed below a sentence at a time in boldface; my comment follows in brackets. Why, President Obama asks, was it necessary and useful that he release the torture memos?

First, the interrogation techniques described in these memos have already been widely reported. [If they were not reported, would it then be justifiable to conceal them? If not, why give this as a reason for divulging them?] Second, the previous administration publicly acknowledged portions of the program — and some of the practices — associated with these memos. [From the Cheney-Bush administration was extorted a long-delayed and self-serving acknowledgment, only after the truth became undeniable. This shows if anything how far the pressure of investigation and the threat of prosecution may succeed in bringing the truth to light. It does not show, as implied, that people in power have a tendency to tell the truth in any case. Only affected ignorance of the character of the previous administration could convert the timing and nature of its acknowledgment into a reason for the cessation of pressure. On the contrary: awareness of the circumstances of the admission makes an added reason for prosecution.] Third, I have already ended the techniques described in the memos through an Executive Order. [So a father of a delinquent son might tell his neighbors: yes, my son has committed serial acts of vandalism, arson, and assault, but I now have him under restraint; his crimes are in the past, and can safely be forgotten.] Therefore, withholding these memos would only serve to deny facts that have been in the public domain for some time. [But if they had not been in the public domain for some time, I might be justified in further denying them.] This could contribute to an inaccurate accounting of the past, and fuel erroneous and inflammatory assumptions about actions taken by the United States. [The projected outcome for the United States is here shown to trump the value of truth. We are free to release or suppress, edit, abridge, and transpose, just as we like, so long as our actions tend to cool inflammatory assumptions. We tell the truth in this case because to do so is the thing most to our advantage.]

The entire paragraph is slippery — a tissue of equivocations. Outcomes are what it cares about. Justice, as justice, is not on the president’s mind. The next paragraph turns from the reasons for releasing the memos to the reasons for protecting those who acted on the memos’ permission (though contradictory advice was available, and knowledge of it did in fact inhibit some persons, including members of the FBI, from agreeing to follow the memos into the acts of torture the memos justify). Remember, in reading the sentences below, that President Obama is here describing not the men who refused to obey criminal orders, but those who did obey and who might therefore be suspected of having committed torture.

The men and women of our intelligence community serve courageously on the front lines of a dangerous world. [Yes, and some of them have delivered persons for interrogation into the dark back-allies of a dangerous world, in countries that practice torture. To our shame, we have turned out to be one of those countries.] Their accomplishments are unsung and their names unknown, but because of their sacrifices, every single American is safer. [Is every single American safer for the false imprisonment and illegal torments suffered by an innocent Arab whose sons and daughters learn of the wrong, and learn who committed it, and swear revenge against the country that did such things? Are we safer for this?] We must protect their identities as vigilantly as they protect our security, and we must provide them with the confidence that they can do their jobs. [A calculated distortion which confuses protection with impunity. Those who stood trial would surely be removed from the active service, and the identities of their associates protected by the court. This argument awards a life-contract to every employee of American intelligence, and life-immunity from prosecution for any crime. What sort of persons will clamor to join a service that affords such license?]

President Obama turns at last to address the country, in a tenor of conciliation of which he is the unrivaled master. Yet the deeper difficulties of genuine conciliation are a fact of moral life that he seems prone to simplify and misjudge. He invites mutual forgiveness before the enemies come into sight of each other’s wrongs. He does this in many settings and on many issues. He builds the bridge before he sees the treacherous footing on either side.


This is a time for reflection, not retribution.
[A routine echo of Lincoln’s Second Inaugural: this is getting to be a tiresome reflex in our new president. Not every human or historical context can earn the echo. To try individuals who have been accused of criminal acts, in a court of law, is not the same as exacting retribution against a country or region. If the ordinary course of the law is to be described as unseemly retribution, then all justice asks too severe a sacrifice of our self-love. Only in tranquil times, it seems, are we allowed to pursue justice as well as “reflect.”] I respect the strong views and emotions that these issues evoke. [False candor. The dispute concerns judgments about justice. Judgments are not views, and judgments are not emotions. To describe one’s opponent as “getting too emotional” puts oneself in the position of sober sanity, no matter how weak one’s argument.] We have been through a dark and painful chapter in our history. [No. This tells a lie in the shape of a truth. We have been through a dark time. But we are many, and we are differentiated. Some, in that dark time, inflicted pain, and some had it inflicted on them. Some were victims, others were executioners. “We” did not all pass that dark time together, or in the same way; we do not deserve the comfort so lightly offered until we face the atrocities with a candor that approaches the whole truth.] But at a time of great challenges and disturbing disunity, nothing will be gained by spending our time and energy laying blame for the past. [Nothing will be gained except truth and the dignity of an honest self-reckoning.] Our national greatness is embedded in America’s ability to right its course in concert with our core values, and to move forward with confidence. [A sentence for any leader, of any country, at any time. A sentiment for all seasons.] That is why we must resist the forces that divide us, and instead come together on behalf of our common future. [But truth does not divide us, unless we imagine our country to be dedicated to a value higher than truth. What could that value be? Justice, you say? But what is justice without truth?]

In an afterthought, President Obama reminds the nation that, though his conduct in releasing the documents and suppressing prosecutions before the fact may seem to have emptied the laws of their force, this is not a kind of action of which he generally approves. Nor is it a fair clue to what any chief magistrate properly means to do. We love the laws, though we defy them. George W. Bush, when asked on June 10, 2004 whether torture was ever justified, said it this way: “We’re a nation of law. We adhere to laws. We have laws on the books. You might look at these laws, and that might provide comfort for you.” So, laws on the books are a sort of consolation, in the absence of laws actually obeyed and kept in force. Barack Obama puts it this way:

The United States is a nation of laws. [And a nation in which the men and women who serve courageously as secret agents are not bound by laws.] My administration will always act in accordance with those laws, and with an unshakeable commitment to our ideals. [Except when those ideals conflict with “unity” and the overcoming of collective “pain”: these are more important than accurate history or equality under the law.] That is why we have released these memos, and that is why we have taken steps to ensure that the actions described within them never take place again. [But if a future president reasons as you reason concerning the past, the actions described in the memos will take place again and again.]

The total effect of the release of the torture memos, with the suppression of all prosecutions before consideration of any case and any particular facts, is baffling and self-contradictory. It will be taken by persons with a taste for paradox as evidence of the president’s ability to hold two opposed ideas in his mind at once. But his actions and words at this moment are deeply disheartening. They show how a high-sounding construction can be placed on actions whose expediency is clear on their face. There were simpler ways, after all, for the president to admit he cannot afford to alienate the present leadership of the CIA; that the disgraceful practices were in some degree condoned by a group from Congress, in both parties, whom the president would rather not incriminate; that with all the chatter about “taking the gloves off” and the sadism of the popular arts, the spirit of the country itself sank to a dark place in the time of the torture memos. Such an admission would not amount to a reason for surrendering the possibility of prosecutions; but it might begin a process of honest accounting. Nothing of the sort, however, was attempted by President Obama.

It may seem that the worst of the torture amnesty is that by exonerating those who committed illegal acts, it discredits any eventual prosecution of those who gave the orders. The release of agents from the imputation of criminal conduct also implies a redefinition of the acts themselves as not criminal; and if no crime was committed when a person did a thing, no crime was meditated when a person ordered the thing done. Yet the most revealing fact about the president’s statement was not its logic of exculpation. It was rather the forgetting, the pressing out of the picture, of certain actors central to the drama.

For we know about these crimes only through the courage of those who dared to speak about them. And they spoke at considerable risk; both moral courage and physical courage were here involved. We know of the deeds of a David Addington or a William J. Haynes III only thanks to the efforts of an Alberto Mora or a Colonel Morris Davis. It should have occurred to President Obama to name these persons as those to whom we Americans owe the largest debt of all. He could have named them as people who by the nature of their deeds can be known and named. They were not secret agents but public exemplars of virtue, in the public life of democracy. The president should have named them, and should have made them the heroes of the day.

source: The Huffington Post

Bush Torture Memos Released By Obama: See The Complete Documents: Here


Pour ou contre la torture?

amnistietorture1

publicité: Amnistie International

source: amnistie.qc.ca